Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第1题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第2题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第3题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第4题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第5题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第6题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第7题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第8题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第9题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第10题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第11题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第12题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第13题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第14题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第15题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第16题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第17题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第18题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第19题

Caravanserais were roadside inns that were built along the Silk Road in areas such as China, North Africa and the Middle East. They were typically  1  outside the walls of a city or village and were usually funded by local governments of  2 .   The word ‘caravanserai’ is a  3  of the Persian words ‘karvan’, which means a group of travellers or a caravan, and ‘saray’, a palace or enclosed building. The term caravan was used to  4  groups of people who travelled together across the ancient network for safety reasons,  5  merchants, travellers or pilgrims.   From the 10th century onwards, as merchant and travel routes become more developed, the  6  of the caravanserais increased and they served as a safe place for people to rest at night. Travellers on the Silk Road  7  possibility of being attacked by thieves or being  8  to extreme weather conditions. For this reason, caravanserais were strategically placed  9  they could be reached in a day’s travel time.   Caravanserais served as an informal  10  point for the various people who travelled the Silk Road.  11 , these structures became important centres for cultural  12  and interaction, with travellers sharing their cultures, ideas and beliefs,  13  talking knowledge with them, greatly  14  the development of several civilisations.   Caravanserais were also an important marketplace for commodities and  15  in the trade of goods along the Silk Road.  16 , it was frequently the first stop merchants looking to sell their wares and  17  supplies for their own journeys. It is  18  that around 120,000 to 15,000 caravanserais were built along the Silk Road,  19  only about 3,000 are known to remain today, many of which are in  20 .

第20题

The weather in Texas may have cooled since the recent extreme heat, but the temperature will be high at the State Board of Education meeting in Austin this month as officials debate how climate change is taught in Texas schools.

Pat Hardy, a conservative member of the board who sympathises with the views of the energy sector, is resisting proposed changes to science standards for pre-teen pupils. These would emphasise the primacy of human activity in recent climate change and encourage discussion of mitigation measures.

“In the national standards, everything has to do with climate change — that’s very lopsided,” she claims. “There are as many scientists working against all the panic of global climate change as there are those who are pushing it. Texas is an energy state and we need to recognise that. You need to remember where your bread is buttered.”

Most scientists and independent experts sharply dispute her views. “What millions of Texas kids learn in their public schools is determined too often by the political ideology of partisan board members, rather than facts and sound scholarship,” says Dan Quinn, senior communications strategist at the Texas Freedom Network, a non-profit group that monitors public education. “They casually dismiss the career work of scholars and scientists as just another misguided opinion.”

A study last year by the National Center for Science Education, a non-profit group of scientists and teachers, looking at how state public schools across the country address climate change in science classes, gave barely half of US states a grade B+ or higher. Among the 10 worst performers were some of the most populous states, including Texas, which was given the lowest grade (F) and has a disproportionate influence because its textbooks are widely sold elsewhere.

Glenn Branch, the centre’s deputy director, cautions that setting state-level science standards is only one limited benchmark in a country that decentralises decisions to local school boards. Even if a state is considered a high performer in its science standards, “that does not mean it will be taught”, he says.

Another issue is that, while climate change is well integrated into some subjects and at some ages — such as earth and space sciences in high schools — it is not as well represented in curricula for younger children and in subjects that are more widely taught, such as biology and chemistry. It is also less prominent in many social studies courses.

Branch points out that, even if a growing number of official guidelines and textbooks reflect scientific consensus on climate change, unofficial educational materials that convey more slanted perspectives are being distributed to teachers. They include materials sponsored by libertarian think-tanks and energy industry associations.

In other countries, the pattern of climate change practices in schools is just as patchy. A study this year by Unesco, the UN agency, of educational policies and curricula in 46 member nations showed that, while 92 per cent made at least one reference to environmental themes, the depth of inclusion was very low on average. More than half of members made no mention of climate change in policy and curricula documents, and just 19 per cent discussed biodiversity. “More needs to be done to prepare learners with the knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to act for our planet,” the report concluded.

Aaron Benavot, professor of education policy and leadership at the University at Albany, State University of New York, and one of the report’s co-authors, warns that measurement remains difficult. “More and more countries are embedding into their national curricula a topic like environmental studies or ecology,” he says. “But, because climate education is not a separate subject, it’s difficult to know how much time and priority it is given.”

In paragraph 1, the weather in Texas is mentioned to

The weather in Texas may have cooled since the recent extreme heat, but the temperature will be high at the State Board of Education meeting in Austin this month as officials debate how climate change is taught in Texas schools.

Pat Hardy, a conservative member of the board who sympathises with the views of the energy sector, is resisting proposed changes to science standards for pre-teen pupils. These would emphasise the primacy of human activity in recent climate change and encourage discussion of mitigation measures.

“In the national standards, everything has to do with climate change — that’s very lopsided,” she claims. “There are as many scientists working against all the panic of global climate change as there are those who are pushing it. Texas is an energy state and we need to recognise that. You need to remember where your bread is buttered.”

Most scientists and independent experts sharply dispute her views. “What millions of Texas kids learn in their public schools is determined too often by the political ideology of partisan board members, rather than facts and sound scholarship,” says Dan Quinn, senior communications strategist at the Texas Freedom Network, a non-profit group that monitors public education. “They casually dismiss the career work of scholars and scientists as just another misguided opinion.”

A study last year by the National Center for Science Education, a non-profit group of scientists and teachers, looking at how state public schools across the country address climate change in science classes, gave barely half of US states a grade B+ or higher. Among the 10 worst performers were some of the most populous states, including Texas, which was given the lowest grade (F) and has a disproportionate influence because its textbooks are widely sold elsewhere.

Glenn Branch, the centre’s deputy director, cautions that setting state-level science standards is only one limited benchmark in a country that decentralises decisions to local school boards. Even if a state is considered a high performer in its science standards, “that does not mean it will be taught”, he says.

Another issue is that, while climate change is well integrated into some subjects and at some ages — such as earth and space sciences in high schools — it is not as well represented in curricula for younger children and in subjects that are more widely taught, such as biology and chemistry. It is also less prominent in many social studies courses.

Branch points out that, even if a growing number of official guidelines and textbooks reflect scientific consensus on climate change, unofficial educational materials that convey more slanted perspectives are being distributed to teachers. They include materials sponsored by libertarian think-tanks and energy industry associations.

In other countries, the pattern of climate change practices in schools is just as patchy. A study this year by Unesco, the UN agency, of educational policies and curricula in 46 member nations showed that, while 92 per cent made at least one reference to environmental themes, the depth of inclusion was very low on average. More than half of members made no mention of climate change in policy and curricula documents, and just 19 per cent discussed biodiversity. “More needs to be done to prepare learners with the knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to act for our planet,” the report concluded.

Aaron Benavot, professor of education policy and leadership at the University at Albany, State University of New York, and one of the report’s co-authors, warns that measurement remains difficult. “More and more countries are embedding into their national curricula a topic like environmental studies or ecology,” he says. “But, because climate education is not a separate subject, it’s difficult to know how much time and priority it is given.”

What does Quinn think of Hardy?

The weather in Texas may have cooled since the recent extreme heat, but the temperature will be high at the State Board of Education meeting in Austin this month as officials debate how climate change is taught in Texas schools.

Pat Hardy, a conservative member of the board who sympathises with the views of the energy sector, is resisting proposed changes to science standards for pre-teen pupils. These would emphasise the primacy of human activity in recent climate change and encourage discussion of mitigation measures.

“In the national standards, everything has to do with climate change — that’s very lopsided,” she claims. “There are as many scientists working against all the panic of global climate change as there are those who are pushing it. Texas is an energy state and we need to recognise that. You need to remember where your bread is buttered.”

Most scientists and independent experts sharply dispute her views. “What millions of Texas kids learn in their public schools is determined too often by the political ideology of partisan board members, rather than facts and sound scholarship,” says Dan Quinn, senior communications strategist at the Texas Freedom Network, a non-profit group that monitors public education. “They casually dismiss the career work of scholars and scientists as just another misguided opinion.”

A study last year by the National Center for Science Education, a non-profit group of scientists and teachers, looking at how state public schools across the country address climate change in science classes, gave barely half of US states a grade B+ or higher. Among the 10 worst performers were some of the most populous states, including Texas, which was given the lowest grade (F) and has a disproportionate influence because its textbooks are widely sold elsewhere.

Glenn Branch, the centre’s deputy director, cautions that setting state-level science standards is only one limited benchmark in a country that decentralises decisions to local school boards. Even if a state is considered a high performer in its science standards, “that does not mean it will be taught”, he says.

Another issue is that, while climate change is well integrated into some subjects and at some ages — such as earth and space sciences in high schools — it is not as well represented in curricula for younger children and in subjects that are more widely taught, such as biology and chemistry. It is also less prominent in many social studies courses.

Branch points out that, even if a growing number of official guidelines and textbooks reflect scientific consensus on climate change, unofficial educational materials that convey more slanted perspectives are being distributed to teachers. They include materials sponsored by libertarian think-tanks and energy industry associations.

In other countries, the pattern of climate change practices in schools is just as patchy. A study this year by Unesco, the UN agency, of educational policies and curricula in 46 member nations showed that, while 92 per cent made at least one reference to environmental themes, the depth of inclusion was very low on average. More than half of members made no mention of climate change in policy and curricula documents, and just 19 per cent discussed biodiversity. “More needs to be done to prepare learners with the knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to act for our planet,” the report concluded.

Aaron Benavot, professor of education policy and leadership at the University at Albany, State University of New York, and one of the report’s co-authors, warns that measurement remains difficult. “More and more countries are embedding into their national curricula a topic like environmental studies or ecology,” he says. “But, because climate education is not a separate subject, it’s difficult to know how much time and priority it is given.”

The study mentioned in Paragraph 5 shows that

The weather in Texas may have cooled since the recent extreme heat, but the temperature will be high at the State Board of Education meeting in Austin this month as officials debate how climate change is taught in Texas schools.

Pat Hardy, a conservative member of the board who sympathises with the views of the energy sector, is resisting proposed changes to science standards for pre-teen pupils. These would emphasise the primacy of human activity in recent climate change and encourage discussion of mitigation measures.

“In the national standards, everything has to do with climate change — that’s very lopsided,” she claims. “There are as many scientists working against all the panic of global climate change as there are those who are pushing it. Texas is an energy state and we need to recognise that. You need to remember where your bread is buttered.”

Most scientists and independent experts sharply dispute her views. “What millions of Texas kids learn in their public schools is determined too often by the political ideology of partisan board members, rather than facts and sound scholarship,” says Dan Quinn, senior communications strategist at the Texas Freedom Network, a non-profit group that monitors public education. “They casually dismiss the career work of scholars and scientists as just another misguided opinion.”

A study last year by the National Center for Science Education, a non-profit group of scientists and teachers, looking at how state public schools across the country address climate change in science classes, gave barely half of US states a grade B+ or higher. Among the 10 worst performers were some of the most populous states, including Texas, which was given the lowest grade (F) and has a disproportionate influence because its textbooks are widely sold elsewhere.

Glenn Branch, the centre’s deputy director, cautions that setting state-level science standards is only one limited benchmark in a country that decentralises decisions to local school boards. Even if a state is considered a high performer in its science standards, “that does not mean it will be taught”, he says.

Another issue is that, while climate change is well integrated into some subjects and at some ages — such as earth and space sciences in high schools — it is not as well represented in curricula for younger children and in subjects that are more widely taught, such as biology and chemistry. It is also less prominent in many social studies courses.

Branch points out that, even if a growing number of official guidelines and textbooks reflect scientific consensus on climate change, unofficial educational materials that convey more slanted perspectives are being distributed to teachers. They include materials sponsored by libertarian think-tanks and energy industry associations.

In other countries, the pattern of climate change practices in schools is just as patchy. A study this year by Unesco, the UN agency, of educational policies and curricula in 46 member nations showed that, while 92 per cent made at least one reference to environmental themes, the depth of inclusion was very low on average. More than half of members made no mention of climate change in policy and curricula documents, and just 19 per cent discussed biodiversity. “More needs to be done to prepare learners with the knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to act for our planet,” the report concluded.

Aaron Benavot, professor of education policy and leadership at the University at Albany, State University of New York, and one of the report’s co-authors, warns that measurement remains difficult. “More and more countries are embedding into their national curricula a topic like environmental studies or ecology,” he says. “But, because climate education is not a separate subject, it’s difficult to know how much time and priority it is given.”

According to Branch, state-level science standards in the US

The weather in Texas may have cooled since the recent extreme heat, but the temperature will be high at the State Board of Education meeting in Austin this month as officials debate how climate change is taught in Texas schools.

Pat Hardy, a conservative member of the board who sympathises with the views of the energy sector, is resisting proposed changes to science standards for pre-teen pupils. These would emphasise the primacy of human activity in recent climate change and encourage discussion of mitigation measures.

“In the national standards, everything has to do with climate change — that’s very lopsided,” she claims. “There are as many scientists working against all the panic of global climate change as there are those who are pushing it. Texas is an energy state and we need to recognise that. You need to remember where your bread is buttered.”

Most scientists and independent experts sharply dispute her views. “What millions of Texas kids learn in their public schools is determined too often by the political ideology of partisan board members, rather than facts and sound scholarship,” says Dan Quinn, senior communications strategist at the Texas Freedom Network, a non-profit group that monitors public education. “They casually dismiss the career work of scholars and scientists as just another misguided opinion.”

A study last year by the National Center for Science Education, a non-profit group of scientists and teachers, looking at how state public schools across the country address climate change in science classes, gave barely half of US states a grade B+ or higher. Among the 10 worst performers were some of the most populous states, including Texas, which was given the lowest grade (F) and has a disproportionate influence because its textbooks are widely sold elsewhere.

Glenn Branch, the centre’s deputy director, cautions that setting state-level science standards is only one limited benchmark in a country that decentralises decisions to local school boards. Even if a state is considered a high performer in its science standards, “that does not mean it will be taught”, he says.

Another issue is that, while climate change is well integrated into some subjects and at some ages — such as earth and space sciences in high schools — it is not as well represented in curricula for younger children and in subjects that are more widely taught, such as biology and chemistry. It is also less prominent in many social studies courses.

Branch points out that, even if a growing number of official guidelines and textbooks reflect scientific consensus on climate change, unofficial educational materials that convey more slanted perspectives are being distributed to teachers. They include materials sponsored by libertarian think-tanks and energy industry associations.

In other countries, the pattern of climate change practices in schools is just as patchy. A study this year by Unesco, the UN agency, of educational policies and curricula in 46 member nations showed that, while 92 per cent made at least one reference to environmental themes, the depth of inclusion was very low on average. More than half of members made no mention of climate change in policy and curricula documents, and just 19 per cent discussed biodiversity. “More needs to be done to prepare learners with the knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to act for our planet,” the report concluded.

Aaron Benavot, professor of education policy and leadership at the University at Albany, State University of New York, and one of the report’s co-authors, warns that measurement remains difficult. “More and more countries are embedding into their national curricula a topic like environmental studies or ecology,” he says. “But, because climate education is not a separate subject, it’s difficult to know how much time and priority it is given.”

It is implied in the last paragraph that climate change teaching in some schools

Communities throughout New England have been attempting to regulate short-term rentals since sites like Airbnb took off in the 2010s. Now with record-high home prices and historically low inventory, there’s an increased urgency in such regulation, particularly among those who worry that developers will come in and buy up swaths of housing to flip for a fortune on the short-term rental market.

In New Hampshire, where the rental vacancy rate has dropped below 1 percent, housing advocates fear unchecked short-term rentals will put further pressure on an already strained market. The State Legislature recently voted against a bill that would’ve made it illegal for towns to create legislation restricting short-term rentals.

“We are at a crisis level on the supply of rental housing,” said Nick Taylor, executive director of the Workforce Housing Coalition of the Greater Seacoast. Without enough affordable housing in southern New Hampshire towns, “employers are having a hard time attracting employees, and workers are having a hard time finding a place to live,” Taylor said.

However, short-term rentals also provide housing for tourists, pointed out Ryan Castle, CEO of a local association of realter. “A lot of workers are servicing the tourist industry, and the tourism industry is serviced by those people coming in short term,” Castle said, “and so it’s a cyclical effect.”

Short-term rentals themselves are not the crux of the issue, said Keren Horn, an expert on affordable housing policy. “I think individuals being able to rent out their second home is a good thing. If it’s their vacation home anyway, and it’s just empty, why can’t you make money off it?” Horn said. Issues arise, however, when developers attempt to create large-scale short-term rental facilities — de facto hotels — to bypass taxes and regulations. “I think the question is, shouldn’t a developer who’s really building a hotel, but disguising it as not a hotel, be treated and taxed and regulated like a hotel?” Horn said.

At the end of 2018, governor Charlie Baker of Massachusetts signed a bill to rein in those potential investor-buyers. The bill requires every rental host to register with the state mandates they carry insurance, and opens the potential for local taxes on top of a new state levy. Boston took things even further, requiring renters to register with the city’s Inspectional Services Department.

Horn said similar registration requirements could benefit struggling cities and towns, but “if we want to make a change in the housing market, the main one is we have to build a lot more.”

Which of the following is true of New England?

Communities throughout New England have been attempting to regulate short-term rentals since sites like Airbnb took off in the 2010s. Now with record-high home prices and historically low inventory, there’s an increased urgency in such regulation, particularly among those who worry that developers will come in and buy up swaths of housing to flip for a fortune on the short-term rental market.

In New Hampshire, where the rental vacancy rate has dropped below 1 percent, housing advocates fear unchecked short-term rentals will put further pressure on an already strained market. The State Legislature recently voted against a bill that would’ve made it illegal for towns to create legislation restricting short-term rentals.

“We are at a crisis level on the supply of rental housing,” said Nick Taylor, executive director of the Workforce Housing Coalition of the Greater Seacoast. Without enough affordable housing in southern New Hampshire towns, “employers are having a hard time attracting employees, and workers are having a hard time finding a place to live,” Taylor said.

However, short-term rentals also provide housing for tourists, pointed out Ryan Castle, CEO of a local association of realter. “A lot of workers are servicing the tourist industry, and the tourism industry is serviced by those people coming in short term,” Castle said, “and so it’s a cyclical effect.”

Short-term rentals themselves are not the crux of the issue, said Keren Horn, an expert on affordable housing policy. “I think individuals being able to rent out their second home is a good thing. If it’s their vacation home anyway, and it’s just empty, why can’t you make money off it?” Horn said. Issues arise, however, when developers attempt to create large-scale short-term rental facilities — de facto hotels — to bypass taxes and regulations. “I think the question is, shouldn’t a developer who’s really building a hotel, but disguising it as not a hotel, be treated and taxed and regulated like a hotel?” Horn said.

At the end of 2018, governor Charlie Baker of Massachusetts signed a bill to rein in those potential investor-buyers. The bill requires every rental host to register with the state mandates they carry insurance, and opens the potential for local taxes on top of a new state levy. Boston took things even further, requiring renters to register with the city’s Inspectional Services Department.

Horn said similar registration requirements could benefit struggling cities and towns, but “if we want to make a change in the housing market, the main one is we have to build a lot more.”

The bill mentioned in Paragraph 2 was intended to

Communities throughout New England have been attempting to regulate short-term rentals since sites like Airbnb took off in the 2010s. Now with record-high home prices and historically low inventory, there’s an increased urgency in such regulation, particularly among those who worry that developers will come in and buy up swaths of housing to flip for a fortune on the short-term rental market.

In New Hampshire, where the rental vacancy rate has dropped below 1 percent, housing advocates fear unchecked short-term rentals will put further pressure on an already strained market. The State Legislature recently voted against a bill that would’ve made it illegal for towns to create legislation restricting short-term rentals.

“We are at a crisis level on the supply of rental housing,” said Nick Taylor, executive director of the Workforce Housing Coalition of the Greater Seacoast. Without enough affordable housing in southern New Hampshire towns, “employers are having a hard time attracting employees, and workers are having a hard time finding a place to live,” Taylor said.

However, short-term rentals also provide housing for tourists, pointed out Ryan Castle, CEO of a local association of realter. “A lot of workers are servicing the tourist industry, and the tourism industry is serviced by those people coming in short term,” Castle said, “and so it’s a cyclical effect.”

Short-term rentals themselves are not the crux of the issue, said Keren Horn, an expert on affordable housing policy. “I think individuals being able to rent out their second home is a good thing. If it’s their vacation home anyway, and it’s just empty, why can’t you make money off it?” Horn said. Issues arise, however, when developers attempt to create large-scale short-term rental facilities — de facto hotels — to bypass taxes and regulations. “I think the question is, shouldn’t a developer who’s really building a hotel, but disguising it as not a hotel, be treated and taxed and regulated like a hotel?” Horn said.

At the end of 2018, governor Charlie Baker of Massachusetts signed a bill to rein in those potential investor-buyers. The bill requires every rental host to register with the state mandates they carry insurance, and opens the potential for local taxes on top of a new state levy. Boston took things even further, requiring renters to register with the city’s Inspectional Services Department.

Horn said similar registration requirements could benefit struggling cities and towns, but “if we want to make a change in the housing market, the main one is we have to build a lot more.”

Compared with Castle, Taylor is more likely to support

Communities throughout New England have been attempting to regulate short-term rentals since sites like Airbnb took off in the 2010s. Now with record-high home prices and historically low inventory, there’s an increased urgency in such regulation, particularly among those who worry that developers will come in and buy up swaths of housing to flip for a fortune on the short-term rental market.

In New Hampshire, where the rental vacancy rate has dropped below 1 percent, housing advocates fear unchecked short-term rentals will put further pressure on an already strained market. The State Legislature recently voted against a bill that would’ve made it illegal for towns to create legislation restricting short-term rentals.

“We are at a crisis level on the supply of rental housing,” said Nick Taylor, executive director of the Workforce Housing Coalition of the Greater Seacoast. Without enough affordable housing in southern New Hampshire towns, “employers are having a hard time attracting employees, and workers are having a hard time finding a place to live,” Taylor said.

However, short-term rentals also provide housing for tourists, pointed out Ryan Castle, CEO of a local association of realter. “A lot of workers are servicing the tourist industry, and the tourism industry is serviced by those people coming in short term,” Castle said, “and so it’s a cyclical effect.”

Short-term rentals themselves are not the crux of the issue, said Keren Horn, an expert on affordable housing policy. “I think individuals being able to rent out their second home is a good thing. If it’s their vacation home anyway, and it’s just empty, why can’t you make money off it?” Horn said. Issues arise, however, when developers attempt to create large-scale short-term rental facilities — de facto hotels — to bypass taxes and regulations. “I think the question is, shouldn’t a developer who’s really building a hotel, but disguising it as not a hotel, be treated and taxed and regulated like a hotel?” Horn said.

At the end of 2018, governor Charlie Baker of Massachusetts signed a bill to rein in those potential investor-buyers. The bill requires every rental host to register with the state mandates they carry insurance, and opens the potential for local taxes on top of a new state levy. Boston took things even further, requiring renters to register with the city’s Inspectional Services Department.

Horn said similar registration requirements could benefit struggling cities and towns, but “if we want to make a change in the housing market, the main one is we have to build a lot more.”

What does Horn emphasize in Paragraph 5?

Communities throughout New England have been attempting to regulate short-term rentals since sites like Airbnb took off in the 2010s. Now with record-high home prices and historically low inventory, there’s an increased urgency in such regulation, particularly among those who worry that developers will come in and buy up swaths of housing to flip for a fortune on the short-term rental market.

In New Hampshire, where the rental vacancy rate has dropped below 1 percent, housing advocates fear unchecked short-term rentals will put further pressure on an already strained market. The State Legislature recently voted against a bill that would’ve made it illegal for towns to create legislation restricting short-term rentals.

“We are at a crisis level on the supply of rental housing,” said Nick Taylor, executive director of the Workforce Housing Coalition of the Greater Seacoast. Without enough affordable housing in southern New Hampshire towns, “employers are having a hard time attracting employees, and workers are having a hard time finding a place to live,” Taylor said.

However, short-term rentals also provide housing for tourists, pointed out Ryan Castle, CEO of a local association of realter. “A lot of workers are servicing the tourist industry, and the tourism industry is serviced by those people coming in short term,” Castle said, “and so it’s a cyclical effect.”

Short-term rentals themselves are not the crux of the issue, said Keren Horn, an expert on affordable housing policy. “I think individuals being able to rent out their second home is a good thing. If it’s their vacation home anyway, and it’s just empty, why can’t you make money off it?” Horn said. Issues arise, however, when developers attempt to create large-scale short-term rental facilities — de facto hotels — to bypass taxes and regulations. “I think the question is, shouldn’t a developer who’s really building a hotel, but disguising it as not a hotel, be treated and taxed and regulated like a hotel?” Horn said.

At the end of 2018, governor Charlie Baker of Massachusetts signed a bill to rein in those potential investor-buyers. The bill requires every rental host to register with the state mandates they carry insurance, and opens the potential for local taxes on top of a new state levy. Boston took things even further, requiring renters to register with the city’s Inspectional Services Department.

Horn said similar registration requirements could benefit struggling cities and towns, but “if we want to make a change in the housing market, the main one is we have to build a lot more.”

Horn holds that imposing registration requirements is

If you’re heading for your nearest branch of Waterstones, the biggest book retailer in the UK, in search of the Duchess of Sussex’s new children’s book The Bench, you might have to be prepared to hunt around a bit, the same may be true of The President’s Daughter, the new thriller by Bill Clinton and James Patterson. Both of these books are published next week by Penguin Random House (PRH), a company currently involved in a stand-off with Waterstones.

The problem began late last year, when PRH confirmed that it had introduced a credit limit with Waterstones “at a very significant level”. The trade magazine The Bookseller reported that Waterstones branch managers were being told to remove PRH books from prominent areas such as tables, display spaces and windows, and were “quietly retiring them to their relevant sections”.

PRH declined to comment on the issue, but a spokesperson for Waterstones told me: “Waterstones are currently operating with reduced credit terms from PRH, the only publisher in the UK to place any limitations on our ability to trade. We are not boycotting PRH titles but we are doing our utmost to ensure that availability for customers remains good despite the lower overall levels of stock. We are hopeful with our shops now open again that normality will return and that we will be allowed to buy appropriately. Certainly, our shops are exceptionally busy. The sales for our May Books of the Month surpassed any month since 2018.”

In the meantime, PRH authors have been the losers. Big-name PRH authors may suffer a bit, but it’s those mid-list authors, who normally rely on Waterstones staff’s passion for promoting books by lesser-known writers, who will be praying for an end to the dispute.

It comes at a time when authors are already worried about the consequences of the proposed merger between PRH and another big publisher, Simon & Schuster—the reduction in the number of unaligned UK publishers is likely to lead to fewer bidding wars, lower advances, and more conformity in terms of what is published.

“This is all part of a wider change towards concentration of power,” says literary agent Andrew Lownie. “The publishing industry talks about diversity in terms of authors and staff but it also needs a plurality of ways of delivering intellectual contact, choice and different voices. After all, many of the most interesting books in recent years have come from small publishers.”

We shall see whether that plurality is a casualty of the current need among publishers to be big enough to take on all-comers.

The author mentions two books in Paragraph 1 to present

If you’re heading for your nearest branch of Waterstones, the biggest book retailer in the UK, in search of the Duchess of Sussex’s new children’s book The Bench, you might have to be prepared to hunt around a bit, the same may be true of The President’s Daughter, the new thriller by Bill Clinton and James Patterson. Both of these books are published next week by Penguin Random House (PRH), a company currently involved in a stand-off with Waterstones.

The problem began late last year, when PRH confirmed that it had introduced a credit limit with Waterstones “at a very significant level”. The trade magazine The Bookseller reported that Waterstones branch managers were being told to remove PRH books from prominent areas such as tables, display spaces and windows, and were “quietly retiring them to their relevant sections”.

PRH declined to comment on the issue, but a spokesperson for Waterstones told me: “Waterstones are currently operating with reduced credit terms from PRH, the only publisher in the UK to place any limitations on our ability to trade. We are not boycotting PRH titles but we are doing our utmost to ensure that availability for customers remains good despite the lower overall levels of stock. We are hopeful with our shops now open again that normality will return and that we will be allowed to buy appropriately. Certainly, our shops are exceptionally busy. The sales for our May Books of the Month surpassed any month since 2018.”

In the meantime, PRH authors have been the losers. Big-name PRH authors may suffer a bit, but it’s those mid-list authors, who normally rely on Waterstones staff’s passion for promoting books by lesser-known writers, who will be praying for an end to the dispute.

It comes at a time when authors are already worried about the consequences of the proposed merger between PRH and another big publisher, Simon & Schuster—the reduction in the number of unaligned UK publishers is likely to lead to fewer bidding wars, lower advances, and more conformity in terms of what is published.

“This is all part of a wider change towards concentration of power,” says literary agent Andrew Lownie. “The publishing industry talks about diversity in terms of authors and staff but it also needs a plurality of ways of delivering intellectual contact, choice and different voices. After all, many of the most interesting books in recent years have come from small publishers.”

We shall see whether that plurality is a casualty of the current need among publishers to be big enough to take on all-comers.

Why did Waterstones shops retire PRH books to their relevant sections?

If you’re heading for your nearest branch of Waterstones, the biggest book retailer in the UK, in search of the Duchess of Sussex’s new children’s book The Bench, you might have to be prepared to hunt around a bit, the same may be true of The President’s Daughter, the new thriller by Bill Clinton and James Patterson. Both of these books are published next week by Penguin Random House (PRH), a company currently involved in a stand-off with Waterstones.

The problem began late last year, when PRH confirmed that it had introduced a credit limit with Waterstones “at a very significant level”. The trade magazine The Bookseller reported that Waterstones branch managers were being told to remove PRH books from prominent areas such as tables, display spaces and windows, and were “quietly retiring them to their relevant sections”.

PRH declined to comment on the issue, but a spokesperson for Waterstones told me: “Waterstones are currently operating with reduced credit terms from PRH, the only publisher in the UK to place any limitations on our ability to trade. We are not boycotting PRH titles but we are doing our utmost to ensure that availability for customers remains good despite the lower overall levels of stock. We are hopeful with our shops now open again that normality will return and that we will be allowed to buy appropriately. Certainly, our shops are exceptionally busy. The sales for our May Books of the Month surpassed any month since 2018.”

In the meantime, PRH authors have been the losers. Big-name PRH authors may suffer a bit, but it’s those mid-list authors, who normally rely on Waterstones staff’s passion for promoting books by lesser-known writers, who will be praying for an end to the dispute.

It comes at a time when authors are already worried about the consequences of the proposed merger between PRH and another big publisher, Simon & Schuster—the reduction in the number of unaligned UK publishers is likely to lead to fewer bidding wars, lower advances, and more conformity in terms of what is published.

“This is all part of a wider change towards concentration of power,” says literary agent Andrew Lownie. “The publishing industry talks about diversity in terms of authors and staff but it also needs a plurality of ways of delivering intellectual contact, choice and different voices. After all, many of the most interesting books in recent years have come from small publishers.”

We shall see whether that plurality is a casualty of the current need among publishers to be big enough to take on all-comers.

What message does the spokesperson for Waterstones seem to convey?

If you’re heading for your nearest branch of Waterstones, the biggest book retailer in the UK, in search of the Duchess of Sussex’s new children’s book The Bench, you might have to be prepared to hunt around a bit, the same may be true of The President’s Daughter, the new thriller by Bill Clinton and James Patterson. Both of these books are published next week by Penguin Random House (PRH), a company currently involved in a stand-off with Waterstones.

The problem began late last year, when PRH confirmed that it had introduced a credit limit with Waterstones “at a very significant level”. The trade magazine The Bookseller reported that Waterstones branch managers were being told to remove PRH books from prominent areas such as tables, display spaces and windows, and were “quietly retiring them to their relevant sections”.

PRH declined to comment on the issue, but a spokesperson for Waterstones told me: “Waterstones are currently operating with reduced credit terms from PRH, the only publisher in the UK to place any limitations on our ability to trade. We are not boycotting PRH titles but we are doing our utmost to ensure that availability for customers remains good despite the lower overall levels of stock. We are hopeful with our shops now open again that normality will return and that we will be allowed to buy appropriately. Certainly, our shops are exceptionally busy. The sales for our May Books of the Month surpassed any month since 2018.”

In the meantime, PRH authors have been the losers. Big-name PRH authors may suffer a bit, but it’s those mid-list authors, who normally rely on Waterstones staff’s passion for promoting books by lesser-known writers, who will be praying for an end to the dispute.

It comes at a time when authors are already worried about the consequences of the proposed merger between PRH and another big publisher, Simon & Schuster—the reduction in the number of unaligned UK publishers is likely to lead to fewer bidding wars, lower advances, and more conformity in terms of what is published.

“This is all part of a wider change towards concentration of power,” says literary agent Andrew Lownie. “The publishing industry talks about diversity in terms of authors and staff but it also needs a plurality of ways of delivering intellectual contact, choice and different voices. After all, many of the most interesting books in recent years have come from small publishers.”

We shall see whether that plurality is a casualty of the current need among publishers to be big enough to take on all-comers.

What can be one consequence of the current dispute?

If you’re heading for your nearest branch of Waterstones, the biggest book retailer in the UK, in search of the Duchess of Sussex’s new children’s book The Bench, you might have to be prepared to hunt around a bit, the same may be true of The President’s Daughter, the new thriller by Bill Clinton and James Patterson. Both of these books are published next week by Penguin Random House (PRH), a company currently involved in a stand-off with Waterstones.

The problem began late last year, when PRH confirmed that it had introduced a credit limit with Waterstones “at a very significant level”. The trade magazine The Bookseller reported that Waterstones branch managers were being told to remove PRH books from prominent areas such as tables, display spaces and windows, and were “quietly retiring them to their relevant sections”.

PRH declined to comment on the issue, but a spokesperson for Waterstones told me: “Waterstones are currently operating with reduced credit terms from PRH, the only publisher in the UK to place any limitations on our ability to trade. We are not boycotting PRH titles but we are doing our utmost to ensure that availability for customers remains good despite the lower overall levels of stock. We are hopeful with our shops now open again that normality will return and that we will be allowed to buy appropriately. Certainly, our shops are exceptionally busy. The sales for our May Books of the Month surpassed any month since 2018.”

In the meantime, PRH authors have been the losers. Big-name PRH authors may suffer a bit, but it’s those mid-list authors, who normally rely on Waterstones staff’s passion for promoting books by lesser-known writers, who will be praying for an end to the dispute.

It comes at a time when authors are already worried about the consequences of the proposed merger between PRH and another big publisher, Simon & Schuster—the reduction in the number of unaligned UK publishers is likely to lead to fewer bidding wars, lower advances, and more conformity in terms of what is published.

“This is all part of a wider change towards concentration of power,” says literary agent Andrew Lownie. “The publishing industry talks about diversity in terms of authors and staff but it also needs a plurality of ways of delivering intellectual contact, choice and different voices. After all, many of the most interesting books in recent years have come from small publishers.”

We shall see whether that plurality is a casualty of the current need among publishers to be big enough to take on all-comers.

Which of the following statements best represents Lownie’s view?

Scientific papers are the recordkeepers of progress in research. Each year researchers publish millions of papers in more than 30,000 journals. The scientific community measures the quality of those papers in a number of ways, including the perceived quality of the journal (as reflected by the title’s impact factor) and the number of citations a specific paper accumulates. The careers of scientists and the reputation of their institutions depend on the number and prestige of the papers they produce, but even more so on the citations attracted by these papers.

Citation cartels, where journals, authors, and institutions conspire to inflate citation numbers, have existed for a long time. In 2016, researchers developed an algorithm to recognize suspicious citation patterns, including groups of authors that disproportionately cite one another and groups of journals that cite each other frequently to increase the impact factors of their publications. Recently, another expression of this predatory behavior has emerged: so-called support service consultancies that provide language and other editorial support to individual authors and to journals sometimes advise contributors to add a number of citations to their articles.

The advent of electronic publishing and authors’ need to find outlets for their papers resulted in thousands of new journals. The birth of predatory journals wasn’t far behind. These journals can act as milk cows where every single article in an issue may cite a specific paper or a series of papers. In some instances, there is absolutely no relationship between the content of the article and the citations. The peculiar part is that the journal that the editor is supposedly working for is not profiting at all — it is just providing citations to other journals. Such practices can lead an article to accrue more than 150 citations in the same year that it was published.

How insidious is this type of citation manipulation? In one example, an individual — acting as author, editor, and consultant — was able to use at least 15 journals as citation providers to articles published by five scientists at three universities. The problem is rampant in Scopus, a citation database, which includes a high number of the new “international” journals. In fact, a listing in Scopus seems to be a criterion to be targeted in this type of citation manipulation.

Scopus itself has all the data necessary to detect this malpractice. Red flags include a large number of citations to an article within the first year. And for authors who wish to steer clear of citation cartel activities: when an editor a reviewer, or a support service asks you to add inappropriate references, do not oblige and do report the request to the journal.

According to Paragraph 1, the careers of scientists can be determined by

Scientific papers are the recordkeepers of progress in research. Each year researchers publish millions of papers in more than 30,000 journals. The scientific community measures the quality of those papers in a number of ways, including the perceived quality of the journal (as reflected by the title’s impact factor) and the number of citations a specific paper accumulates. The careers of scientists and the reputation of their institutions depend on the number and prestige of the papers they produce, but even more so on the citations attracted by these papers.

Citation cartels, where journals, authors, and institutions conspire to inflate citation numbers, have existed for a long time. In 2016, researchers developed an algorithm to recognize suspicious citation patterns, including groups of authors that disproportionately cite one another and groups of journals that cite each other frequently to increase the impact factors of their publications. Recently, another expression of this predatory behavior has emerged: so-called support service consultancies that provide language and other editorial support to individual authors and to journals sometimes advise contributors to add a number of citations to their articles.

The advent of electronic publishing and authors’ need to find outlets for their papers resulted in thousands of new journals. The birth of predatory journals wasn’t far behind. These journals can act as milk cows where every single article in an issue may cite a specific paper or a series of papers. In some instances, there is absolutely no relationship between the content of the article and the citations. The peculiar part is that the journal that the editor is supposedly working for is not profiting at all — it is just providing citations to other journals. Such practices can lead an article to accrue more than 150 citations in the same year that it was published.

How insidious is this type of citation manipulation? In one example, an individual — acting as author, editor, and consultant — was able to use at least 15 journals as citation providers to articles published by five scientists at three universities. The problem is rampant in Scopus, a citation database, which includes a high number of the new “international” journals. In fact, a listing in Scopus seems to be a criterion to be targeted in this type of citation manipulation.

Scopus itself has all the data necessary to detect this malpractice. Red flags include a large number of citations to an article within the first year. And for authors who wish to steer clear of citation cartel activities: when an editor a reviewer, or a support service asks you to add inappropriate references, do not oblige and do report the request to the journal.

The support service consultancies tend to

Scientific papers are the recordkeepers of progress in research. Each year researchers publish millions of papers in more than 30,000 journals. The scientific community measures the quality of those papers in a number of ways, including the perceived quality of the journal (as reflected by the title’s impact factor) and the number of citations a specific paper accumulates. The careers of scientists and the reputation of their institutions depend on the number and prestige of the papers they produce, but even more so on the citations attracted by these papers.

Citation cartels, where journals, authors, and institutions conspire to inflate citation numbers, have existed for a long time. In 2016, researchers developed an algorithm to recognize suspicious citation patterns, including groups of authors that disproportionately cite one another and groups of journals that cite each other frequently to increase the impact factors of their publications. Recently, another expression of this predatory behavior has emerged: so-called support service consultancies that provide language and other editorial support to individual authors and to journals sometimes advise contributors to add a number of citations to their articles.

The advent of electronic publishing and authors’ need to find outlets for their papers resulted in thousands of new journals. The birth of predatory journals wasn’t far behind. These journals can act as milk cows where every single article in an issue may cite a specific paper or a series of papers. In some instances, there is absolutely no relationship between the content of the article and the citations. The peculiar part is that the journal that the editor is supposedly working for is not profiting at all — it is just providing citations to other journals. Such practices can lead an article to accrue more than 150 citations in the same year that it was published.

How insidious is this type of citation manipulation? In one example, an individual — acting as author, editor, and consultant — was able to use at least 15 journals as citation providers to articles published by five scientists at three universities. The problem is rampant in Scopus, a citation database, which includes a high number of the new “international” journals. In fact, a listing in Scopus seems to be a criterion to be targeted in this type of citation manipulation.

Scopus itself has all the data necessary to detect this malpractice. Red flags include a large number of citations to an article within the first year. And for authors who wish to steer clear of citation cartel activities: when an editor a reviewer, or a support service asks you to add inappropriate references, do not oblige and do report the request to the journal.

The Function of the “milk cow” journals is to

Scientific papers are the recordkeepers of progress in research. Each year researchers publish millions of papers in more than 30,000 journals. The scientific community measures the quality of those papers in a number of ways, including the perceived quality of the journal (as reflected by the title’s impact factor) and the number of citations a specific paper accumulates. The careers of scientists and the reputation of their institutions depend on the number and prestige of the papers they produce, but even more so on the citations attracted by these papers.

Citation cartels, where journals, authors, and institutions conspire to inflate citation numbers, have existed for a long time. In 2016, researchers developed an algorithm to recognize suspicious citation patterns, including groups of authors that disproportionately cite one another and groups of journals that cite each other frequently to increase the impact factors of their publications. Recently, another expression of this predatory behavior has emerged: so-called support service consultancies that provide language and other editorial support to individual authors and to journals sometimes advise contributors to add a number of citations to their articles.

The advent of electronic publishing and authors’ need to find outlets for their papers resulted in thousands of new journals. The birth of predatory journals wasn’t far behind. These journals can act as milk cows where every single article in an issue may cite a specific paper or a series of papers. In some instances, there is absolutely no relationship between the content of the article and the citations. The peculiar part is that the journal that the editor is supposedly working for is not profiting at all — it is just providing citations to other journals. Such practices can lead an article to accrue more than 150 citations in the same year that it was published.

How insidious is this type of citation manipulation? In one example, an individual — acting as author, editor, and consultant — was able to use at least 15 journals as citation providers to articles published by five scientists at three universities. The problem is rampant in Scopus, a citation database, which includes a high number of the new “international” journals. In fact, a listing in Scopus seems to be a criterion to be targeted in this type of citation manipulation.

Scopus itself has all the data necessary to detect this malpractice. Red flags include a large number of citations to an article within the first year. And for authors who wish to steer clear of citation cartel activities: when an editor a reviewer, or a support service asks you to add inappropriate references, do not oblige and do report the request to the journal.

What can be learned about Scopus from the last two paragraphs?

Scientific papers are the recordkeepers of progress in research. Each year researchers publish millions of papers in more than 30,000 journals. The scientific community measures the quality of those papers in a number of ways, including the perceived quality of the journal (as reflected by the title’s impact factor) and the number of citations a specific paper accumulates. The careers of scientists and the reputation of their institutions depend on the number and prestige of the papers they produce, but even more so on the citations attracted by these papers.

Citation cartels, where journals, authors, and institutions conspire to inflate citation numbers, have existed for a long time. In 2016, researchers developed an algorithm to recognize suspicious citation patterns, including groups of authors that disproportionately cite one another and groups of journals that cite each other frequently to increase the impact factors of their publications. Recently, another expression of this predatory behavior has emerged: so-called support service consultancies that provide language and other editorial support to individual authors and to journals sometimes advise contributors to add a number of citations to their articles.

The advent of electronic publishing and authors’ need to find outlets for their papers resulted in thousands of new journals. The birth of predatory journals wasn’t far behind. These journals can act as milk cows where every single article in an issue may cite a specific paper or a series of papers. In some instances, there is absolutely no relationship between the content of the article and the citations. The peculiar part is that the journal that the editor is supposedly working for is not profiting at all — it is just providing citations to other journals. Such practices can lead an article to accrue more than 150 citations in the same year that it was published.

How insidious is this type of citation manipulation? In one example, an individual — acting as author, editor, and consultant — was able to use at least 15 journals as citation providers to articles published by five scientists at three universities. The problem is rampant in Scopus, a citation database, which includes a high number of the new “international” journals. In fact, a listing in Scopus seems to be a criterion to be targeted in this type of citation manipulation.

Scopus itself has all the data necessary to detect this malpractice. Red flags include a large number of citations to an article within the first year. And for authors who wish to steer clear of citation cartel activities: when an editor a reviewer, or a support service asks you to add inappropriate references, do not oblige and do report the request to the journal.

What should an author do to deal with citation manipulators?

Directions: The following paragraphs are given in a wrong order. For questions 41-45, you are required to reorganize these paragraphs into a coherent text by choosing from the list A-H and filling them into the numbered boxes. Paragraphs A, E and H have been correctly placed. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET.

[A] Last year marked the 150th anniversary of a series of Yellowstone photographs by the renowned landscape photographer William Henry Jackson. Jackson snapped the 1st-ever shots of iconic landmarks such as the Tetons, Old Faithful and the Colorado Rockies. On a late 19th-century expedition through the Yellowstone Basin that was conducted by the head of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Ferdinand V. Hayden. The team included a meteorologist, a zoologist, a mineralogist, and an agricultural statistician.

[B] Two centuries ago, the idea of preserving nature, rather than exploiting it, was a novel one to many U.S. settlers. One of the turning points in public support for land conservation efforts — and recognizing the magnificence of the Yellowstone region in particular — came in the form of vivid photographs.

[C] As an effective Washington operator, Hayden sensed that he could capitalize on the expedition’s stunning visuals. He asked Jackson to print out large copies and distributed them, along with reproductions of Moran’s paintings, to each member of Congress. “The visualization, particularly those photographs, really hit home that this is something that has to be protected,” says Murphy.

[D] Throughout the trip, Jackson juggled multiple cameras and plate sizes using the “collodion process” that required him to coat the plates with a chemical mixture, then expose them and develop the resulting images with a portable darkroom. The crude technique required educated guesses on exposure times, and involved heavy, awkward equipment — several men had to assist in its transportation. Despite these challenges, Jackson captured dozens of striking photos, ranging from majestic images like his now-famous snapshot of Old Faithful, to casual portraits of expedition members at the camp. While veterans of previous expeditions wrote at length about stunning trail sights, these vivid photographs were another thing entirely.

[E] The journey officially began in Ogden, Utah on June 8, 1871. Over nearly four months, dozens of men made their way on horseback into Montana and traversed along the Yellowstone River and around Yellowstone Lake. That fall, they concluded the survey in Fort Bridger, Wyoming.

[F] Though Native Americans (and later miners and fur trappers) had long recognized the area’s riches, most Americans did not. That’s why Hayden’s expedition aimed to produce a fuller understanding of the Yellowstone River region, from its hot springs and waterfalls to its variety of flora and fauna. In addition to the entourage of scientists, the team also included artists: Painter Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry Jackson were charged with capturing this astounding natural beauty and sharing it with the world.

[G] The bill proved largely popular and sailed through Congress with large majorities in favor. In quick succession, the Senate and House passed legislation protecting Yellowstone in early 1872. That March, President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act into law that established Yellowstone as the world’s first national park. Some locals opposed the designation, the decision was largely accepted — and Jackson’s photos played a key role in the fight to protect the area. “I don’t believe that the legal protection would have happened in the time frame that it did without those images,” says Hansen, journalist and author of Prophets and Moguls, Rangers and Rogues, Bisonord Bears: 100 years of the national Park Service.

[H] Perhaps most importantly, the images provided documentary evidence that later made its way to government officials. Weeks after completing the expedition, Hayden collected his team’s observation into an extensive rep aimed at convincing Senators and Representatives, along with colleagues at government agency like the department of Interior that Yellowstone ought to be preserved.

41→A→42→E→43→H→44→45

第41题

Directions: The following paragraphs are given in a wrong order. For questions 41-45, you are required to reorganize these paragraphs into a coherent text by choosing from the list A-H and filling them into the numbered boxes. Paragraphs A, E and H have been correctly placed. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET.

[A] Last year marked the 150th anniversary of a series of Yellowstone photographs by the renowned landscape photographer William Henry Jackson. Jackson snapped the 1st-ever shots of iconic landmarks such as the Tetons, Old Faithful and the Colorado Rockies. On a late 19th-century expedition through the Yellowstone Basin that was conducted by the head of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Ferdinand V. Hayden. The team included a meteorologist, a zoologist, a mineralogist, and an agricultural statistician.

[B] Two centuries ago, the idea of preserving nature, rather than exploiting it, was a novel one to many U.S. settlers. One of the turning points in public support for land conservation efforts — and recognizing the magnificence of the Yellowstone region in particular — came in the form of vivid photographs.

[C] As an effective Washington operator, Hayden sensed that he could capitalize on the expedition’s stunning visuals. He asked Jackson to print out large copies and distributed them, along with reproductions of Moran’s paintings, to each member of Congress. “The visualization, particularly those photographs, really hit home that this is something that has to be protected,” says Murphy.

[D] Throughout the trip, Jackson juggled multiple cameras and plate sizes using the “collodion process” that required him to coat the plates with a chemical mixture, then expose them and develop the resulting images with a portable darkroom. The crude technique required educated guesses on exposure times, and involved heavy, awkward equipment — several men had to assist in its transportation. Despite these challenges, Jackson captured dozens of striking photos, ranging from majestic images like his now-famous snapshot of Old Faithful, to casual portraits of expedition members at the camp. While veterans of previous expeditions wrote at length about stunning trail sights, these vivid photographs were another thing entirely.

[E] The journey officially began in Ogden, Utah on June 8, 1871. Over nearly four months, dozens of men made their way on horseback into Montana and traversed along the Yellowstone River and around Yellowstone Lake. That fall, they concluded the survey in Fort Bridger, Wyoming.

[F] Though Native Americans (and later miners and fur trappers) had long recognized the area’s riches, most Americans did not. That’s why Hayden’s expedition aimed to produce a fuller understanding of the Yellowstone River region, from its hot springs and waterfalls to its variety of flora and fauna. In addition to the entourage of scientists, the team also included artists: Painter Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry Jackson were charged with capturing this astounding natural beauty and sharing it with the world.

[G] The bill proved largely popular and sailed through Congress with large majorities in favor. In quick succession, the Senate and House passed legislation protecting Yellowstone in early 1872. That March, President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act into law that established Yellowstone as the world’s first national park. Some locals opposed the designation, the decision was largely accepted — and Jackson’s photos played a key role in the fight to protect the area. “I don’t believe that the legal protection would have happened in the time frame that it did without those images,” says Hansen, journalist and author of Prophets and Moguls, Rangers and Rogues, Bisonord Bears: 100 years of the national Park Service.

[H] Perhaps most importantly, the images provided documentary evidence that later made its way to government officials. Weeks after completing the expedition, Hayden collected his team’s observation into an extensive rep aimed at convincing Senators and Representatives, along with colleagues at government agency like the department of Interior that Yellowstone ought to be preserved.

41→A→42→E→43→H→44→45

第42题

Directions: The following paragraphs are given in a wrong order. For questions 41-45, you are required to reorganize these paragraphs into a coherent text by choosing from the list A-H and filling them into the numbered boxes. Paragraphs A, E and H have been correctly placed. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET.

[A] Last year marked the 150th anniversary of a series of Yellowstone photographs by the renowned landscape photographer William Henry Jackson. Jackson snapped the 1st-ever shots of iconic landmarks such as the Tetons, Old Faithful and the Colorado Rockies. On a late 19th-century expedition through the Yellowstone Basin that was conducted by the head of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Ferdinand V. Hayden. The team included a meteorologist, a zoologist, a mineralogist, and an agricultural statistician.

[B] Two centuries ago, the idea of preserving nature, rather than exploiting it, was a novel one to many U.S. settlers. One of the turning points in public support for land conservation efforts — and recognizing the magnificence of the Yellowstone region in particular — came in the form of vivid photographs.

[C] As an effective Washington operator, Hayden sensed that he could capitalize on the expedition’s stunning visuals. He asked Jackson to print out large copies and distributed them, along with reproductions of Moran’s paintings, to each member of Congress. “The visualization, particularly those photographs, really hit home that this is something that has to be protected,” says Murphy.

[D] Throughout the trip, Jackson juggled multiple cameras and plate sizes using the “collodion process” that required him to coat the plates with a chemical mixture, then expose them and develop the resulting images with a portable darkroom. The crude technique required educated guesses on exposure times, and involved heavy, awkward equipment — several men had to assist in its transportation. Despite these challenges, Jackson captured dozens of striking photos, ranging from majestic images like his now-famous snapshot of Old Faithful, to casual portraits of expedition members at the camp. While veterans of previous expeditions wrote at length about stunning trail sights, these vivid photographs were another thing entirely.

[E] The journey officially began in Ogden, Utah on June 8, 1871. Over nearly four months, dozens of men made their way on horseback into Montana and traversed along the Yellowstone River and around Yellowstone Lake. That fall, they concluded the survey in Fort Bridger, Wyoming.

[F] Though Native Americans (and later miners and fur trappers) had long recognized the area’s riches, most Americans did not. That’s why Hayden’s expedition aimed to produce a fuller understanding of the Yellowstone River region, from its hot springs and waterfalls to its variety of flora and fauna. In addition to the entourage of scientists, the team also included artists: Painter Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry Jackson were charged with capturing this astounding natural beauty and sharing it with the world.

[G] The bill proved largely popular and sailed through Congress with large majorities in favor. In quick succession, the Senate and House passed legislation protecting Yellowstone in early 1872. That March, President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act into law that established Yellowstone as the world’s first national park. Some locals opposed the designation, the decision was largely accepted — and Jackson’s photos played a key role in the fight to protect the area. “I don’t believe that the legal protection would have happened in the time frame that it did without those images,” says Hansen, journalist and author of Prophets and Moguls, Rangers and Rogues, Bisonord Bears: 100 years of the national Park Service.

[H] Perhaps most importantly, the images provided documentary evidence that later made its way to government officials. Weeks after completing the expedition, Hayden collected his team’s observation into an extensive rep aimed at convincing Senators and Representatives, along with colleagues at government agency like the department of Interior that Yellowstone ought to be preserved.

41→A→42→E→43→H→44→45

第43题

Directions: The following paragraphs are given in a wrong order. For questions 41-45, you are required to reorganize these paragraphs into a coherent text by choosing from the list A-H and filling them into the numbered boxes. Paragraphs A, E and H have been correctly placed. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET.

[A] Last year marked the 150th anniversary of a series of Yellowstone photographs by the renowned landscape photographer William Henry Jackson. Jackson snapped the 1st-ever shots of iconic landmarks such as the Tetons, Old Faithful and the Colorado Rockies. On a late 19th-century expedition through the Yellowstone Basin that was conducted by the head of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Ferdinand V. Hayden. The team included a meteorologist, a zoologist, a mineralogist, and an agricultural statistician.

[B] Two centuries ago, the idea of preserving nature, rather than exploiting it, was a novel one to many U.S. settlers. One of the turning points in public support for land conservation efforts — and recognizing the magnificence of the Yellowstone region in particular — came in the form of vivid photographs.

[C] As an effective Washington operator, Hayden sensed that he could capitalize on the expedition’s stunning visuals. He asked Jackson to print out large copies and distributed them, along with reproductions of Moran’s paintings, to each member of Congress. “The visualization, particularly those photographs, really hit home that this is something that has to be protected,” says Murphy.

[D] Throughout the trip, Jackson juggled multiple cameras and plate sizes using the “collodion process” that required him to coat the plates with a chemical mixture, then expose them and develop the resulting images with a portable darkroom. The crude technique required educated guesses on exposure times, and involved heavy, awkward equipment — several men had to assist in its transportation. Despite these challenges, Jackson captured dozens of striking photos, ranging from majestic images like his now-famous snapshot of Old Faithful, to casual portraits of expedition members at the camp. While veterans of previous expeditions wrote at length about stunning trail sights, these vivid photographs were another thing entirely.

[E] The journey officially began in Ogden, Utah on June 8, 1871. Over nearly four months, dozens of men made their way on horseback into Montana and traversed along the Yellowstone River and around Yellowstone Lake. That fall, they concluded the survey in Fort Bridger, Wyoming.

[F] Though Native Americans (and later miners and fur trappers) had long recognized the area’s riches, most Americans did not. That’s why Hayden’s expedition aimed to produce a fuller understanding of the Yellowstone River region, from its hot springs and waterfalls to its variety of flora and fauna. In addition to the entourage of scientists, the team also included artists: Painter Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry Jackson were charged with capturing this astounding natural beauty and sharing it with the world.

[G] The bill proved largely popular and sailed through Congress with large majorities in favor. In quick succession, the Senate and House passed legislation protecting Yellowstone in early 1872. That March, President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act into law that established Yellowstone as the world’s first national park. Some locals opposed the designation, the decision was largely accepted — and Jackson’s photos played a key role in the fight to protect the area. “I don’t believe that the legal protection would have happened in the time frame that it did without those images,” says Hansen, journalist and author of Prophets and Moguls, Rangers and Rogues, Bisonord Bears: 100 years of the national Park Service.

[H] Perhaps most importantly, the images provided documentary evidence that later made its way to government officials. Weeks after completing the expedition, Hayden collected his team’s observation into an extensive rep aimed at convincing Senators and Representatives, along with colleagues at government agency like the department of Interior that Yellowstone ought to be preserved.

41→A→42→E→43→H→44→45

第44题

Directions: The following paragraphs are given in a wrong order. For questions 41-45, you are required to reorganize these paragraphs into a coherent text by choosing from the list A-H and filling them into the numbered boxes. Paragraphs A, E and H have been correctly placed. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET.

[A] Last year marked the 150th anniversary of a series of Yellowstone photographs by the renowned landscape photographer William Henry Jackson. Jackson snapped the 1st-ever shots of iconic landmarks such as the Tetons, Old Faithful and the Colorado Rockies. On a late 19th-century expedition through the Yellowstone Basin that was conducted by the head of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Ferdinand V. Hayden. The team included a meteorologist, a zoologist, a mineralogist, and an agricultural statistician.

[B] Two centuries ago, the idea of preserving nature, rather than exploiting it, was a novel one to many U.S. settlers. One of the turning points in public support for land conservation efforts — and recognizing the magnificence of the Yellowstone region in particular — came in the form of vivid photographs.

[C] As an effective Washington operator, Hayden sensed that he could capitalize on the expedition’s stunning visuals. He asked Jackson to print out large copies and distributed them, along with reproductions of Moran’s paintings, to each member of Congress. “The visualization, particularly those photographs, really hit home that this is something that has to be protected,” says Murphy.

[D] Throughout the trip, Jackson juggled multiple cameras and plate sizes using the “collodion process” that required him to coat the plates with a chemical mixture, then expose them and develop the resulting images with a portable darkroom. The crude technique required educated guesses on exposure times, and involved heavy, awkward equipment — several men had to assist in its transportation. Despite these challenges, Jackson captured dozens of striking photos, ranging from majestic images like his now-famous snapshot of Old Faithful, to casual portraits of expedition members at the camp. While veterans of previous expeditions wrote at length about stunning trail sights, these vivid photographs were another thing entirely.

[E] The journey officially began in Ogden, Utah on June 8, 1871. Over nearly four months, dozens of men made their way on horseback into Montana and traversed along the Yellowstone River and around Yellowstone Lake. That fall, they concluded the survey in Fort Bridger, Wyoming.

[F] Though Native Americans (and later miners and fur trappers) had long recognized the area’s riches, most Americans did not. That’s why Hayden’s expedition aimed to produce a fuller understanding of the Yellowstone River region, from its hot springs and waterfalls to its variety of flora and fauna. In addition to the entourage of scientists, the team also included artists: Painter Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry Jackson were charged with capturing this astounding natural beauty and sharing it with the world.

[G] The bill proved largely popular and sailed through Congress with large majorities in favor. In quick succession, the Senate and House passed legislation protecting Yellowstone in early 1872. That March, President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act into law that established Yellowstone as the world’s first national park. Some locals opposed the designation, the decision was largely accepted — and Jackson’s photos played a key role in the fight to protect the area. “I don’t believe that the legal protection would have happened in the time frame that it did without those images,” says Hansen, journalist and author of Prophets and Moguls, Rangers and Rogues, Bisonord Bears: 100 years of the national Park Service.

[H] Perhaps most importantly, the images provided documentary evidence that later made its way to government officials. Weeks after completing the expedition, Hayden collected his team’s observation into an extensive rep aimed at convincing Senators and Representatives, along with colleagues at government agency like the department of Interior that Yellowstone ought to be preserved.

41→A→42→E→43→H→44→45

第45题